今日主題：Europe Italian politics-- Will Monti run for prime minister? / 歐洲義大利政治--蒙蒂會競選總理嗎？
康康精選GRE&GMAT會考的主題，堅持每天精讀一定會進步的哦!!
康康幫你準備好中英文稿了：
中英文稿：
Europe Italian politics-- Will Monti run for prime minister?
歐洲義大利政治--蒙蒂會競選總理嗎？
How to prevent Silvio Berlusconi from returning to power
如何防止西爾維奧•貝盧斯科尼重掌大權
With his restrained smile, laconic manner and dry humour, Mario Monti, Italy’s prime minister, makes a good sphinx. And that is the role he will have to play until the budget for 2013 is approved by parliament, probably on December 21st. Only then will he be able to cast aside the neutrality he must maintain as head of a technocratic government and announce whether he plans to stand in the general election now expected in February.
克制的微笑，簡潔的儀態和冷冷的幽默，義大利總理馬里奧•蒙蒂塑造了一張體面的獅身人面像。他必須始終扮演這樣一個角色，直到議會在12月21日左右通過2013年的預算，他才能夠拋棄作為技術官僚政府首腦必須堅持的中立態度，並宣佈是否計畫參加預定在2月份舉行的大選。
The early vote became inevitable on December 8th when Mr Monti told Giorgio Napolitano, the president, that he intended to resign. By then, he had lost the support of Silvio Berlusconi’s People of Freedom (PdL) movement. The 76-year-old Mr Berlusconi then said he would be his party’s candidate for prime minister. He later cast doubt on this, even making a bizarre offer to stand down if Mr Monti wanted to take over his party—a sign perhaps that the former prime minister senses that his candidacy risks becoming an embarrassing catastrophe. It has run into a barrage of international condemnation and even Mr Berlusconi’s old chums in the Northern League are hesitating about whether to renew their electoral alliance with the PdL.
12月8日，蒙蒂告知義大利總統喬治•納波利塔諾辭職的打算，提前投票已不可避免。到那時，他失去了西爾維奧•貝盧斯科尼領導的自由人民黨(PdL) 的支持。76歲的貝盧斯科尼隨後宣佈他將擔任該政黨的總理候選人。之後，他又使事情變得疑雲重重，甚至令人匪夷所思地提議如果蒙蒂想要接管他的政黨的話，他將會退出——這個跡象表明前總理或許意識到他的候選人資格面臨著演變成令人尷尬的災難的危險。他已經陷入輪番轟炸的國際譴責，甚至貝盧斯科尼北方聯盟的密友都在猶豫是否恢復和自由人民黨組成的競選聯盟。
Mr Berlusconi launched himself into the campaign with an implicit renunciation of the actions of Mr Monti’s government, which his party has until now supported. The billionaire media mogul has since depicted the government’s policies as unnecessarily painful and imposed on a Germanophile Mr Monti by the government in Berlin. He has scorned concerns over the interest cost on Italy’s vast public debt, which Mr Monti had almost halved before Mr Berlusconi’s reappearance panicked investors. And he held out to voters the prospect that he could undo the reintroduction of an unpopular property tax and reignite growth, something he signally failed to do in the eight years between 2001 and 2011 when he held power.
貝盧斯科尼投身競選運動，間接地斷絕了和蒙蒂政府的任何行動，而他的政黨直到現在依然支持後者。這位擁有億萬資產的媒體大亨目前將政府的政策描述成不必要的疼痛，並通過柏林政府將“親德派蒙蒂”的稱號強加在蒙蒂身上。他一度鄙視對義大利龐大的國債利息成本的擔憂，在貝盧斯科尼的再現引起投資者恐慌之前，蒙蒂幾乎使其下降了一半。貝盧斯科尼還許諾選民他能通過撤銷重新引入的一項不受歡迎的財產稅，再次刺激經濟增長，而在2001-2011他執政的8年間他顯然未能做到這些。
Some of Mr Monti’s comments, obliquely countering Mr Berlusconi’s populist contentions, suggest he is itching to defend his government’s record. But those close to him say he is genuinely undecided about whether to run. The risks are considerable, and not just for Mr Monti.
蒙蒂的一些拐彎抹角地反對貝盧斯科尼民粹主義論點的言語暗示他渴望保衛他所領導的政府的政績。但是他的親信們表示他確實沒有決定是否繼續執政。風險是巨大的，不僅僅是對蒙蒂而言。
A central problem of Italian democracy is that both its main parties are an ideological hotch-potch. On the left, the Democratic Party (PD) is the offspring of a marriage between ex-communists and former Christian Democrats. On the right, the PdL is the outcome of a merger between reconstructed neo-fascists and Mr Berlusconi’s heterogeneous following of opportunists, ex-socialists, conservatives and the odd liberal. Mr Monti has the chance to lay the foundations of an altogether more presentable conservative movement: an Italian reflection of the principles that inspire the European Peoples’ Party in the European Parliament.
義大利民主政體的一個核心問題是主要政黨都是思想大雜燴。左翼民主黨（PD）是原共產主義者和前基督教民主黨結合的後代。而右翼自由人民黨是新法蘭西主義者和貝盧斯科尼領導的由機會主義者，原社會主義者，保守黨和奇怪的自由黨組成的多種多樣的追隨者結合起來的產物。蒙蒂有機會為一場完全的更像樣的保守運動打下基礎：這項運動是對激勵歐洲國會中的歐洲人民黨的法則的義大利式的解讀。
The building blocks already exist: the conservative Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC); a new movement led by the chairman of Ferrari, Luca Cordero di Montezemolo, which was founded specifically as a vehicle for the prime minister; and other, smaller groups. Mr Monti could steal votes from the PdL, which is in danger of breaking apart despite Mr Berlusconi’s return and from the moderate wing of the PD. Above all, says Antonio Noto of IPR Marketing, “he could lure to the polls some of the 25% of Italians who say they are not tempted by any of the existing parties”, or even by the anti-establishment Five Star Movement led by Beppe Grillo, a former comedian.
構建基礎已然存在：保守的基督教和中派民主黨聯盟；法拉利主席盧卡斯•柯德羅•迪•蒙特澤莫羅領導的專門為總理製造座駕的一項新運動；還包括其他規模較小的組織。雖然貝盧斯科尼複出，但是自由民主黨依然面臨著解體的危險，蒙蒂可以借此拉攏他們和中立派民主黨的選票。最重要的是，智慧財產權市場研究院的安東尼奧•諾托表示“蒙蒂能夠吸引到對現有的政黨都沒有興趣的大約25%的義大利人的選票”，甚至能得到前喜劇明星貝皮•格裡羅領導的反正統的五星運動的支持。
Big business and the Catholic church have already signalled their support for the prime minister. And Mr Monti could prove a good foil for the slick, showy tycoon. Mr Berlusconi has been defeated twice in five general elections. Each time, his nemesis was another quietly-spoken economics professor with impeccable European credentials: Romano Prodi.
義大利財團和天主教會已經暗示了他們對總理的支持。而蒙蒂可以證明自己是這位華而不實，極盡炫耀的商業大亨很好的反襯。貝盧斯科尼在5次大選中2次落敗。他的主要對手又是默不作聲的持有無懈可擊的歐洲證書的經濟學教授羅馬諾•普羅迪。
The snag is that Mr Monti’s real adversary would not be Mr Berlusconi, but the leader of the PD, Pier Luigi Bersani, who has pointedly warned the prime minister to stay out of the fray. Without exception, the polls show the PD and its allies with a substantial lead. Under Italy’s electoral rules, whichever coalition comes first receives a bonus that guarantees it a majority in the Chamber of Deputies. But in the Senate the bonus is allocated region by region. The big risk for the governability of Italy after the election is a result that gives a coalition a majority in the chamber, but not in the Senate.
真正的障礙在於蒙蒂的真正的對手並不是貝盧斯科尼，而是民主黨的領導人貝爾薩尼，他尖銳地提醒總理遠離這場爭論。無一例外，民意調查顯示民主黨和其盟友大大領先。根據義大利的大選規則，任何一個處於第一位的聯盟都有這樣一個福利，保證其得到眾議院的多數支持。而在參議院裡，這個福利是按地區分配的。大選後的義大利施政將面臨的最大危險是選舉結果使得該聯盟獲得了眾議院的多數支持，卻沒有得到參議院的支援。
A pro-Monti coalition would find it hard to overtake the PD nationally, but could ruin its chances of dominating both houses. A hung Senate might also give Mr Berlusconi, whose party has sunk to around 15% in the polls, his most realistic chance of retaining influence. But so long as Mr Monti was ready to join forces with Mr Bersani after the election, the PdL could be pushed firmly into opposition, along with Mr Grillo’s representatives.
支持蒙蒂的聯盟發現要全國性地推翻民主黨相當困難，但是可以毀滅其統治兩院的機會。貝盧斯科尼領導的政黨的民意支持率已經降到了15%，而懸而未決的參議院給他保持影響力提供了最現實的機會。但是只要蒙蒂準備好在大選後和貝爾薩尼通力合作，自由人民黨將被牢牢地推向反對派，格裡羅的代表也不例外。
Other calculations are weighing on Mr Monti. If he were to stand, he would have to give up his life senator’s seat. A decision to run could mean he lost his chance to occupy the Quirinal palace as Italy’s head of state when Mr Napolitano retires next year. That is where Mr Bersani would like to see him, as a guarantor of future reforms. Above all, there is the increasingly unfathomable Berlusconi variable. If Mr Berlusconi were to pull out, or his party to implode, the temptation for Mr Monti to pounce might become irresistible.
其他政治猜測也壓得蒙蒂喘不過氣來。如果他繼續擔任總理的話，他將不得不放棄終身議員的席位。退出競選的決定意味著他將失去明年納波利塔諾退休後作為義大利元首進駐奎裡納萊宮的機會。而貝爾薩尼迫切期望他能作為未來改革的保證人呆在那裡。畢竟，貝盧斯科尼的可變因素正變得越來越深不可測。如果貝盧斯科尼撤出大選，或其政黨發生內訌，那麼蒙蒂面臨抓住這個機會的誘惑是不可阻擋的。
留言列表
TOEFL (9)
